Israeli Security Cabinet approves expanding war against Hamas in Gaza

Israeli Security Cabinet approves expanding war against Hamas in Gaza

JNS Staff


“We are increasing the pressure with the goal of bringing our [captive] people back and defeating Hamas,” said IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir.

Israeli troops participate in a counter-terror operation in the area of the Indonesian Hospital in Beit Lahia, northern Gaza, December 2024. Credit: IDF.

Israel’s Security Cabinet voted unanimously on Sunday night to expand the IDF offensive against the Hamas terrorist organization in the Gaza Strip.

The approved plans include “occupying Gaza and holding on to the territory,” as well as “powerful strikes” on Hamas, a source in the Prime Minister’s Office told reporters.

The ministers also approved plans to possibly resume aid to the coastal enclave through an international fund that would seek to prevent the supplies from being looted by Hamas. Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir was the sole minister to oppose the move.

The distribution of aid is expected to be carried out by the American security companies that inspected vehicles returning to Gaza’s north during the January-March ceasefire.

An Israeli official quoted by the Walla outlet said that the expanded ground operation will likely only be carried out after U.S. President Donald Trump’s expected visit to the Middle East ends next week.

Earlier on Sunday, IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir said that the military was calling up tens of thousands of additional reservists.

“This week, we are issuing tens of thousands of call-up orders to our reservists in order to intensify and expand our operation in Gaza,” Zamir told members of the Flotilla 13 naval commando unit. “We are increasing the pressure with the goal of bringing our people back and defeating Hamas. We will operate in additional areas and destroy all infrastructure above and below ground.”

Defense sources noted that the mobilization is one of the largest since the war began 19 months ago, with newly called-up reservists being integrated into training and operational deployments.

Zamir spoke as the Security Cabinet convened in Jerusalem to discuss the next phase of the military campaign.

“I am assembling the Cabinet today to discuss the next stage of the IDF chief of staff’s proposal,” said Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. “I cannot detail it here, but we are focusing on two things: returning our hostages and defeating Hamas. Military pressure works—and this is what will work now as well,” he added, noting that 147 hostages have been rescued alive so far.

In a separate statement, the IDF confirmed that Israeli forces continue to operate across the Gaza Strip to dismantle terrorist infrastructure and protect Israeli civilians. The 205th “Iron Fist” Reserve Armored Brigade is active in Rafah, in Gaza’s southernmost region, where it has destroyed Hamas positions above and below ground and killed dozens of terrorists.

The IDF also reported the discovery of a weapons depot located 260 feet from a former school and approximately 330 feet from a former hospital in Rafah.

Over the weekend, IDF troops, operating in coordination with the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet), carried out extensive operations across the Gaza Strip. In Gaza City, reservists from the Jerusalem Brigade, operating under the 252nd “Sinai” Division, continued to engage Hamas operatives in the Shejaiya neighborhood, dismantling underground infrastructure and seizing weapons caches.

The Israeli Air Force attacked more than 100 terrorist targets throughout Gaza, including tunnel shafts, command centers and structures used by armed cells, the military said. Ground forces located and destroyed additional weapons and killed several terrorists.

In one such strike, the IDF destroyed armed and launch-ready Hamas rocket platforms in the Khan Yunis area that were aimed at Israeli territory. Explosions observed after the strike indicated the presence of multiple rockets prepared for launch. The military said it would continue acting forcefully and decisively against all terrorist groups in Gaza.

Despite ongoing strikes, the IDF assesses that Hamas maintains at least two organized brigades and continues to pose a threat. However, Israeli officials have noted that recent military and humanitarian pressure is hurting the group’s ability to operate. Some Hamas fighters have surrendered, and the terrorist organization’s command and control systems have sustained significant damage.

Israeli Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, who has led negotiations for a hostage deal, reiterated at the JNS International Policy Summit last week that Israel remains committed both to defeating Hamas and securing the release of all hostages.

“There are people in Israel who say, forget about the hostages—just finish the war. Others say, forget about the war—just bring them home. We’re not going to do that,” said Dermer. “That’s not where Prime Minister Netanyahu is. It’s not where I am.”

He predicted that 12 months from now, the multi-front conflict facing Israel across the Middle East will be over—and that “Israel will have won.”

Israel’s stated objectives in the war remain the dismantling of Hamas as a political and military force, the return of all hostages, and the prevention of Gaza from posing a future security threat.


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Ehud Barak calls for civil insurrection to collapse government

Ehud Barak calls for civil insurrection to collapse government

David Isaac


The former prime minister called for hundreds of thousands to shut down the country until the government falls.

Former prime minister Ehud Barak speaks at the Haaretz Democracy Conference in Jaffa, Nov. 9, 2021. Photo by Avshalom Sassoni/Flash90.

Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak on Saturday repeated his call for a civil insurrection to topple the Netanyahu government.

“We need to get to a civil insurrection,” said Barak, during an appearance on “Moriah & Berko,” a Channel 13 news show co-hosted by Moriah Ashraf and Eyal Bercovic.

Asked to explain what that meant, Barak said he meant hundreds of thousands taking to the streets guided by political, academic, high-tech and market leaders, among others.

When Ashraf asked what the limits of the insurrection should be, Barak said, “The limits are the shutdown of the country until the government falls.

Barak, who served as prime minister from 1999 to 2001, and later as deputy prime minister and minister of defense in a Netanyahu government 2009 to 2013, has become a bitter opponent of the current prime minister.

Speaking at an anti-government protest rally in Tel Aviv in July 2024, Barak urged the thousands present to engage in “nonviolent civil noncompliance.”

Israeli prosecutors at the time mulled whether to prosecute Barak on charges of incitement and sedition.

At a rally in Jerusalem in April of last year, he said that his goal was to use mass protests as a pressure lever to bring about early elections to replace the Netanyahu government.

“My message is elections now,” Barak told JNS.

In February, Barak called on the public to “besiege” the parliament in an ultimate attempt to force elections, bring down Netanyahu and implement a two-state solution, which includes a Palestinian state.

The former premier told Army Radio that “30,000 citizens need to camp outside the Knesset in tents for three weeks, day and night,” until “the country shuts down [and] Netanyahu realizes that his time is up.”

In March 2023, Ehud Barak revealed his strategy for a “counter-revolution” to bring down the Netanyahu government.

Speaking at Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, a London-based think tank, Barak said he was certain his side would win, adding, “and we have even empirical evidence for this.”

He referred to research by Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan, who co-authored a 2012 book, “Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict.”

Barak said the two researchers looked at hundreds of civil protests from 1900 to 2006, noting that “they found a common denominator”—protests that succeeded included 3.5% of the population, or roughly 8% of the adult population that were “tenaciously and persistently” kept up.

“At the end the government either falls or capitulates. We already crossed this number in less than three months so we are heading in the right direction,” Barak said, referring to protests against the government’s judicial reform plan.

Terroryzm islamski to ludobójstwo

Terroryści ISIS w Afryce (Zrzut z ekranu wideo https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4OKXk3Q3XW0 )


Terroryzm islamski to ludobójstwo

Daniel Greenfield
Tłumaczenie: Małgorzata Koraszewska


Nie chodzi o zmiany polityczne, chodzi o masowe mordy niemuzułmanów.

Kiedy muzułmańscy terroryści rozpoczęli ostatnią masakrę w Kaszmirze, najpierw sprawdzili dowody osobiste i kazali swoim ofiarom wyrecytować „Kalmas”, jedną z kilku modlitw islamskich odmawianych przez muzułmanów w Indiach, zaczynającą się od słów: „Nie ma boga prócz Allaha, a Mahomet jest jego posłańcem”.

Ci, którzy nie potrafili recytować islamskiej modlitwy, byli zabijani.

Kiedy muzułmańscy terroryści rozpoczęli ostatnią masakrę w Kaszmirze, najpierw sprawdzili dowody osobiste i kazali swoim ofiarom wyrecytować „Kalmas”, jedną z kilku modlitw islamskich odmawianych przez muzułmanów w Indiach, zaczynającą się od słów: „Nie ma boga prócz Allaha, a Mahomet jest jego posłańcem”.

Ci, którzy nie potrafili recytować islamskiej modlitwy, byli zabijani.

„Czy jesteś muzułmaninem? Jeśli tak, to wyrecytuj Kalmas” – mówili ofiarom dżihadyści.

„Zapytał mojego męża o imię i religię. Potem go zastrzelił” – zeznała jedna z ocalałych kobiet.

Opisanie masakry 26 niewinnych osób, w tym obywatela amerykańskiego, na łące w Kaszmirze jako aktu terroryzmu jest mylące. Cele nie zostały wybrane, ponieważ byli urzędnikami rządowymi. Nie pytali ich o poglądy polityczne. Miejsce nie było celem strategicznym. Jedyną rzeczą, która łączyła ofiary, było to, że nie były muzułmanami.

To nie jest terroryzm. To ludobójstwo.

Muzułmańscy terroryści wszędzie stosują ten sam protokół selekcji i eksterminacji niemuzułmanów. Podczas masakry w Westgate Mall w Nairobi muzułmańscy terroryści zabili ponad 60 osób, po tym jak kazali swoim ofiarom podać imię matki Mahometa lub wyrecytować „Szahadę”, islamskie wyznanie wiary. Chodziło o to samo, co z żądaniem wyrecytowania „Kalmas” – o odróżnienie niemuzułmanów od muzułmanów. Wśród zabitych były dzieci w wieku zaledwie ośmiu lat, zabite za to, że nie były muzułmanami.

Al-Szabab, somalijska grupa terrorystyczna, która przeprowadziła atak, oświadczyła, że jej dżihadyści, czyli „mudżahedini, przeprowadzili skrupulatną kontrolę w centrum handlowym i podjęli wszelkie możliwe środki ostrożności, aby oddzielić muzułmanów od kuffar przed przeprowadzeniem ataku”.

Przez „kuffar” rozumie się niewiernych i niemuzułmanów.

Grupa dżihadystów zrobiła to samo w Garissa College w Kenii. Najpierw zaatakowali chrześcijańską grupę podczas modlitwy, a następnie chodzili od drzwi do drzwi i pytali studentów, czy są chrześcijanami, czy muzułmanami, po czym żądali, by ci, którzy twierdzili, że są muzułmanami, wyrecytowali islamską Szahadę. „Jeśli byłeś chrześcijaninem, strzelano do ciebie na miejscu”

„Posortowaliśmy ludzi i wypuściliśmy muzułmanów” – ogłosiła organizacja Al-Szabab i dokonała masakry 147 chrześcijańskich studentów.

Grupa terrorystyczna zrobiła to samo w wioskach na wybrzeżu Kenii, gdzie dziesiątki osób zginęło w licznych atakach, którym towarzyszyły testy religijne. „Rozkazali nam wszystkim wyjść z domu, a następnie kazali nam wyrecytować ‘szahadę’” – wspominał jeden mężczyzna.

Tę samą taktykę zastosowało Boko Haram w ludobójstwie chrześcijan w Nigerii.

Podczas ataku terrorystycznego w Bangladeszu terroryści przejęli kawiarnię przed islamskim okresem Ramadanu i zamordowali 22 osoby. Rozdzielili muzułmanów od niemuzułmanów. Podejrzanym kazali recytować wersety Koranu. Muzułmanie siedzieli i jedli w jednej sekcji, podczas gdy niemuzułmanów torturowano i mordowano przy okrzykach „Allahu Akbar”.

Wśród zabitych było kilku japońskich turystów i obywatel amerykański, którzy zostali zamordowani za to, że nie byli muzułmanami. Ofiar nie zabito za ich poglądy polityczne, wiele z nich było turystami, ale za to, że nie byli muzułmanami. To nie był terroryzm. To była czystka etniczne i masakra religijna.

Kiedy dżihadyści z grupy Abu Sajjaf przejęli kontrolę nad miastem Marawi na Filipinach, „przed zabiciem cywilów poddali ich de facto testowi religijnemu; kazano im wyrecytować Szahadę… cywilów, którzy nie wyrecytowali Szahady lub nie zareagowali odpowiednio, często natychmiast zabijali”.

Zastrzelono lub poderżnięto gardła chrześcijanom. Część pojmano jako zakładników. Mężczyzn zmuszono do pomagania terrorystom, podczas gdy kobiety zostały niewolnicami seksualnymi.

To nie jest „terroryzm”. To wojna etniczna i plemienna, której celem jest zabijanie lub branie do niewoli członków innych grup. Ostatecznym celem Islamskiego Dżihadu nie jest zmiana rządu, ale ludobójstwo.

Terroryzm to zachodnia koncepcja, przeszczepiona do świata muzułmańskiego przez Związek Radziecki. Grupy szkolone w Moskwie, takie jak OWP, uczyły się tych samych taktyk, jakie stosowały sieci marksistowskich organizacji terrorystycznych ZSRR, ale stare grupy marksistowskie w świecie muzułmańskim dawno temu albo zislamizowały się, albo straciły znaczenie, a grupy islamistyczne wykorzystują niektóre taktyki terroru w szerszym kontekście dżihadu, ale tylko jako część ich tradycyjnego podboju niemuzułmanów.

Terroryzm marksistowski jest polityczny, podczas gdy terroryzm muzułmański jest supremacją tożsamościową. Dżihadyści nie przejmują się, jaką formę przybierze rząd, jak długo przestrzega prawa islamskiego. Ich programy ideologiczne mieszają elementy kapitalizmu i socjalizmu, nie zwracając uwagi na jakąkolwiek spójność. Ich misją jest zapewnienie, że ich religia, islam i grupa etniczna podbiją kraj. Wszystko inne to drobny szczegół. Dlatego nawet ISIS zezwoliło na samorządność w zdobytych miastach. Dlatego Hamas utrzymywał Gazę w zależności od izraelskich usług i pozwolił OWP zarządzać częścią swojej biurokracji. Dżihad nie przejmuje się tym, kto faktycznie wykonuje papierkową robotę.

Terroryści islamscy nie ograniczają ataków do rządu. Skupiają je na niemuzułmanach. Łąka w Kaszmirze, festiwal muzyczny w Izraelu, teatr w Paryżu czy szkoła w Afryce – wszystkie te miejsca są dozwolonymi celami, ponieważ nadrzędnym celem jest eksterminacja i podporządkowanie niemuzułmanów.

Ośmiolatek w kenijskim centrum handlowym jest celem nie dlatego, że stanowi narzędzie do przejęcia władzy, jak to robią tradycyjni terroryści, ale dlatego, że każdy niewierny jest wrogiem.

Apologeci islamskiego terroryzmu chcą udawać, że wszystkie te konflikty polityczne są lokalne i wynikają z lokalnych naruszeń praw człowieka. Twierdzą, że to, co motywuje Hamas w Strefie Gazy, Al-Szabab i Boko Haram w Afryce, Abu Sajjaf na Filipinach, Laszkar-e-Taiba w Kaszmirze, Dżamaat-ul-Mudżahedin w Bangladeszu i cała litania innych muzułmańskich grup terrorystycznych na innych obszarach, to sprawy lokalne, które nie mają żadnych globalnych celów ani nadrzędnej ideologii, a ich troski muszą zostać rozwiązane poprzez usunięcie lub reformę lokalnych rządów.

Ale ruch, który masakruje członków innych grup hurtowo, nie dąży do politycznej zmiany. Zabijanie każdego, kto nie jest muzułmaninem, nie dotyczy formy rządu, ale religijnej i etnicznej supremacji, a także ludobójstwa na tak dużą skalę, że nie jesteśmy już w stanie tego dostrzec.

Islamski dżihad przeciwko niemuzułmanom jest o wiele gorszy niż Rwanda czy wszystkie ludobójstwa w Afryce razem wzięte, ponieważ jest to zjawisko ogólnoświatowe, praktykowane na każdym zaludnionym kontynencie. Po ponad tysiącu lat rzezi, w której zabito, zgwałcono lub zniewolono dziesiątki milionów ludzi, unicestwiono całe kultury i narody, pozostaje największym zagrożeniem dla ludzkości.

Pomniejszanie Islamskiego Dżihadu przeciwko ludzkiej cywilizacji do miana terroryzmu zaciemnia skalę i horror zagrożenia. To, co nazywamy terroryzmem, jest w rzeczywistości masowym zabijaniem niemuzułmanów.

To nie terroryzm. To ludobójstwo.


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BBC to investigate Arabic channel over Gaza coverage

BBC to investigate Arabic channel over Gaza coverage

David Isaac


“The Arabic service, we are looking at it. We’ve been examining it,” said BBC Chairman Samir Shah.

BBC Chairman Samir Shah. Credit: Times Radio/YouTube.

[ He was raised a Jain in India before coming to England in 1960 aged 9 and later converting to Islam to marry his wife Belkis. ]

Samir Shah, chairman of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), told Times Radio on May 3 that the broadcaster is investigating anti-Israel bias in its coverage of the Gaza War and will commission an independent investigation of BBC Arabic.

BBC Arabic broadcasts 24 hours a day from London and Cairo to the Middle East via TV, radio and internet.

In conversation with Times Radio host Rod Liddle, Shah, who was appointed BBC chairman in March 2024, said, “I think this whole business of how we’ve covered Israel-Gaza is a proper thing to examine thoroughly, which is why we’re … going to get hold of an independent figure to look at our corporation.”

Liddle said: “You’re still reporting from Israel with a whole bunch of BBC Arabic correspondents, some … who have been found to say the most appalling things about Jewish people, such as, ‘We’re going to burn them until none are left.’ You know, isn’t it time to stop using them?”

Liddle was referring to comments by Samer Elzaenen, a regular contributor to BBC Arabic, who posted antisemitic and anti-Israel comment since 2011, The Telegraph reported.

In one post he wrote: “My message to the Zionist Jews: We are going to take our land back, we love death for Allah’s sake the same way you love life. We shall burn you as Hitler did, but this time we won’t have a single one of you left.”

Elzaenen is one of several BBC Arabic contributors who have been discovered to have posted antisemitic content.

Ahmed Alagha, who has reported for the British public broadcaster since early 2023, described the Israeli army as “the embodiment of filth” and referred to Jews as “the devils of the hypocrites,” according to a Telegraph report last month.

“The Arabic service, we are looking at it. We’ve been examining it,” said Shah. 

In March, the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting and Analysis (CAMERA) issued a report on BBC Arabic, which it noted is the “largest, most heavily funded and most influential foreign-language service” of the BBC.

CAMERA found BBC Arabic had “become synonymous with toxic hostility against Israel and, at times, anti-Jewish racism. It has given a platform to murderous terrorists, presented apologists for terror as independent ‘experts’, allowed extreme views to go unchallenged in interviews and echoed the language of Hamas.”

Following the 33-page CAMERA report, which covered claims spanning four years, Conservative Party Leader Kemi Badenoch in March called for “wholesale reform” of the Arabic-language broadcaster.

Also in March, it came to light that BBC Director-General Tim Davie had repeatedly rejected offers of training on antisemitism.

Lord John Mann, the British government’s official adviser on anti-Jewish discrimination, revealed in an interview with The Telegraph that he had visited the BBC‘s senior leadership to offer training on three occasions since taking up the role in 2019.

The BBC‘s bias against Israel, which goes beyond its Arabic channel, has been repeatedly documented.

According to a Sept. 2024 analysis of 9 million words of BBC output, the broadcaster violated its own editorial guidelines 1,553 times during the four-month period beginning Oct. 7, 2023, repeatedly downplaying Hamas terrorism and presenting Israel as an aggressor.

Among its most recent scandals was the documentary, “Gaza: How to Survive a Warzone,” which utilized a 13-year-old boy as narrator, who turned out to be the son of Hamas Deputy Agriculture Minister Ayman al-Yazouri.

Shah, speaking before the U.K. parliament’s Culture, Media & Sport Committee on March 4, admitted the documentary was a “dagger to the heart” of the BBC‘s neutrality.

The embarrassment led to an unusual apology by the broadcaster, which in a statement, said that “serious flaws” were made “by the production company, and some by the BBC; all of them are unacceptable. BBC News takes full responsibility for these and the impact that these have had on the Corporation’s reputation. We apologise for this.”

At least £400,000 (just over $500,000) of license payers’ cash went to the production company behind the documentary.

“I thought that the Gaza film was deeply flawed, and so does the board,” Shah told Times Radio on Saturday. “We have asked for a report. That report is coming to a conclusion. I haven’t seen it yet. And I really think, right now, we’re right at the middle of this, and let’s just wait to see.”

Despite the BBC‘s evident bias, Shah defended the broadcaster. Citing survey numbers, he said that 37% said that the BBC provides impartial news. The second closest is ITV, a British public broadcast television network, at 6%, and the Guardian and Sky News, both at 6%.

“[W]e still do better than everybody else,” said Shah.

Asked if he himself considers Hamas to be a terrorist group, Shah demurred, saying, “I’m here as a chairman of the BBC.”

“What do you think they are? Do you think they are a convocation of happy little squirrels?” Liddle pressed.

“Right now, I am the chairman of the BBC, and we have taken the view as a board that we continue to use the word terrorist only with attribution,” said Shah.

According to the BBC‘s editorial guidelines posted on its website: “Terrorism is a difficult and emotive subject with significant political overtones and care is required in the use of language that carries value judgements. We should not use the term ‘terrorist’ without attribution.”

BBC has a history of suppressing unflattering reports on its anti-Israel bias. Most egregious is its 20-year suppression of the Balen Report.

Commissioned in 2004, the 20,000-word document, written by senior broadcast journalist Malcolm Balen, looked at hundreds of hours of BBC coverage of the Israel-Arab conflict.

Leaked elements of the report make it clear that the report found BBC coverage to be biased. Only a select few have seen the full document, as the BBC has spent hundreds of thousands of pounds in court to keep it from going public.


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Panic on Memorial Day: Sights and Sounds From Israel

Panic on Memorial Day: Sights and Sounds From Israel

Daniel Pomerantz


Israelis stand for a moment of silence as the memorial siren sounds on Israel’s Memorial Day. Photo: Meir Pavlovsky, OneFamily

I was at the Memorial Day ceremony at Habima Square in Tel Aviv, which is like Israel’s Lincoln Center. This is not like America’s Memorial Day — there are no barbecues or celebrations. This is Israel: a small country, where everybody has lost somebody.

The commemorative siren sounded and thousands of people fell completely silent, some cried, a few dogs howled back at the siren. I saw two female police officers holding hands, one had tears in her eyes.

The siren ended and the ceremony proceeded, with speakers and prayers, but then, suddenly — screams.

“Screaming” isn’t really the right word — it was coming from all directions and sounded more like a huge high frequency roar, but not like in a sporting event. I can’t quite describe it; it was like hearing a tornado approach.

Then people were running, thousands of people, like a human tsunami — so I ran too. Because when something like this happens in Israel, you get to safety first and ask questions later.

To view a video of some of the event, click here.

Like most people around me, I first focused on getting some distance between myself and the event location, not knowing whether I might be about to run into something dangerous. I turned onto a side street because it seemed like a safe direction to go, then I saw some people running into a building, and I ran there too because it simply seemed to make sense. I found myself in someone’s apartment with about 20 other people.

I don’t remember falling along the way, but I noticed my knee was hurting, and my pants were ripped, so apparently I had.

One of the people in the apartment was crying and panicking, a young American girl, probably high school age, who didn’t speak Hebrew. So I sat with her explained what little I knew, as a few of us tried to give her some degree of comfort. I could at least offer a familiar American voice to talk to.

I also walked around and asked people if anyone had cell phone reception or had heard any news, and for the most part the answer was no. Later, when everything seemed OK, I thanked the apartment owner for “hosting” us and stood outside with the American girl waiting for her mother to come get her.

An Israeli woman nearby seemed concerned and I offered to walk her home. She thanked me, and told me her husband thanks me too — he was on the phone from Gaza where he was serving in combat that very night.

So what actually happened?

According to reports, several suspicious people, apparently wearing what appeared to be combat vests, tried to force their way through security into the ceremony. The suspicious people were arrested without further incident. Some conflicting reports said the suspects had attempted to attack police. Whatever it was, something about the interaction triggered a panic, which spread.

The police officially say this was not a “security event” but it’s important to remember that at the time, none of us knew that. We knew only that there was an urgent need to run, possibly for our lives.

I don’t mean to compare this small experience to some of the more dramatic ones Israelis have faced and continue to face: our hostages, our lost loved ones, our fallen soldiers, and more. But I can say this: in 14 years, I’ve been in my share of bomb shelters, and heard my share of sirens, yet this is the first time I’ve been inside of what one might call an “event.”

Meanwhile, terrorists successfully managed to set the countryside around Jerusalem on fire, cancelling numerous Memorial Day and Independence Day events and setting Israelis to work fighting the blaze.

It is well understood by all Israelis that terrorists favor large crowds and symbolic events for their attacks. A Memorial Day ceremony in Tel Aviv would be an ideal target — this reality was in the back of everyone’s mind from the beginning — which probably contributed to the rapid and dramatic reaction of the crowd.

And there’s something simply amazing about that: knowing that we realistically might be walking into danger, we came anyway. We came by the thousands, to HaBima Square and to other ceremonies across the country. We also show up to our jobs, and our lives, we take public transportation, we visit parks, and malls, protests and yes, even music festivals. The day-to-day courage of ordinary Israelis is remarkable, and touching beyond words.

There’s an Israeli expression: on Memorial Day, we acknowledge the painful cost of having a state; on Yom HaShoah (Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day) we acknowledge the cost of not having one.

And finally, on Independence Day, we celebrate. Celebrations are muted this year: due to the fires around Jerusalem, the hostages in Gaza, and our loved ones in the IDF fighting on seven different fronts.

Nonetheless, I wish you all a Happy Independence Day from Israel.


Daniel Pomerantz is the CEO of RealityCheck, an organization dedicated to deepening public conversation through robust research studies and public speaking.


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